On Tuesday, the
Colorado General Assembly voted to legalize civil unions for same-sex couples in Colorado. To understate the point, this is huge! It’s something activists in the
state have worked long and hard to achieve. In this state, it’s made even more marvelous
by the fact that just 20 years ago, some folks were calling Colorado the “hate
state” for its passage of Amendment 2.
Back then, Colorado
was notorious as the (to all media appearances) least LGBTQ-friendly place in
the nation. In truth, that judgment was overblown—media frenzies do that. And
in truth, Amendment 2 ended up having some very positive long-term
consequences—including, arguably, Tuesday’s success. But no one could have
predicted that just two decades later, same-sex couples would have that same state’s
approval to form legal unions. It’s not yet the whole shebang, and folks were
pointing out that it wasn’t marriage before the applause even died down. But it’s
a step—a giant step—in this long trek.
Besides, for
Coloradans this really is as good as it gets … at least for now. Civil unions are the greatest
possible victory in a state that has an explicit constitutional ban on same-sex
marriage. We’re not the only state in this particular fix. It’s one of several
patterns in the crazy-quilt national patchwork of state-by-state laws that
include legal support for, indifference to, and prohibition against same-sex
unions of various sorts. The result can be a legal and logistic nightmare for
same-sex couples, who may be married in one state, have no legal protection in
the next, and see their relationship explicitly negated in a third.
Who can possibly
keep up with it all? Well, conveniently, Sean Sullivan, a blogger for the Washington Post, has done us the great
favor of summarizing the current status (well, current until Tuesday) of various
laws and constitutional amendments related to same-sex marriage (ssm) around
the country. To see where your state stacks up (and to be astonished at the piecemeal
quality of marriage rights at this juncture), check out his blog here. These maps are really eye opening. Some of them are also clickable, if you
want even more detail about your state—or someone else’s, for that matter.
All of this becomes
really relevant given the pending Supreme Court consideration of two marriage
equality cases, which I wrote about recently. It turns out that the potential impact of these two cases is greatly
complicated by this legal hodgepodge. Right now, nine states and DC have
marriage equality. The rest have an assortment of conditions ranging from
constitutional and legal prohibitions on ssm through various partnership and
civil union statutes (and various combinations of the above) to total silence on the
issue. The two cases that will soon be considered by the Supreme Court may
solve none, some, or all of these discrepancies among states.
One case challenges
California’s Proposition 8, which rescinded marriage rights briefly
accorded in that state. That ruling could affect only California or, in the
broadest case, it could affect all states with legal bans on ssm (like
Colorado). The other case challenges the federal Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA;
in all federal matters, marriage is between one man and one woman). It argues
that it’s unconstitutional for the federal government to refuse federal
marriage rights (social security, tax benefits, etc.) to married same-sex
partners living in states where marriage is legal. This ruling could have a narrow
impact (in just those nine states and DC). Alternatively, a broad ruling could
ripple far beyond those jurisdictions, opening the way to broader enactment of
marriage equality laws.
To add to the
uncertainty, legal technicalities could influence both these rulings and their
long-term impact. Basically, the court could decide these cases in a million
different ways (approximately). If you’re curious about these things, here’s a pretty comprehensive discussion of the ins and outs of the matter.
Most folks who
track these things carefully (which does not include me, except remotely) expect
that the court’s rulings will not be
so broad as to affect marriage rights in all the individual states. With the
current court’s conservative leanings, we might even hope that the rulings will be narrow, since having a negative
outcome from the Supremes at this point could stall the movement for a long
time. In fact, some people argue that, given the recent rather steady—and
occasionally dramatic—progress toward acceptance of marriage equality, we might
be better off with the slow, steady slog of legislative and ballot box change. Whatever,
hope springs eternal.
Stay tuned. The
court will be hearing oral arguments on these cases on March 26 and 27, and
they’ll probably issue rulings by June.
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